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Editor of '[[Agos]]' [[Armenian Language]] weekly in [[Istanbul]].
 
 
 
Hrant Dink was born in [[Malatya]] on 15.9.1954. 
 
 
 
At the age of seven, he migrated to [[İstanbul]] together with his family. 
 
 
 
He got his primary and secondary education in Armenian schools. Immediately after lyceum, he got married. 
 
 
 
He graduated from Zoology Department of İstanbul University’s Science Faculty. Then he continued his education at Philosophy Department of the same universitiy’s Literature Faculty for a while. 
 
 
 
Since 1996 he works as the columnist and editor-in chief of AGOS weekly newspaper which can be regarded as the voice of Armenian community. 
 
 
 
He tries to make this newspaper a democrat and oppositional voice of Turkey and also to share the injustices done to Armenian community with public opinion.    
 
 
 
One of the major aims of the newspaper is to contribute to dialogue between Turkish and Armenian nations and also between Turkey and Armenia. 
 
 
 
He takes part in various democratic platforms and civil society organizations.
 
 
 
 
 
----
 
Armenian Journalist On Trial For 'Insulting Turks'
 
 
 
(AFP) - A Turkish court on Thursday began hearing a case against a
 
journalist of Armenian descent on charges that he insulted Turks in
 
remarks at a conference three years ago, the Anatolia news agency
 
reported.
 
 
 
Hrant Dink, editor of the Armenian-language weekly Agos, could face up
 
to three years in prison if found guilty by the court in the
 
southeastern Turkish city of Sanliurfa where the conference on
 
minorities and human rights was held.
 
 
 
Dink, who was not present at the hearing, told AFP from his office in
 
Istanbul that he believed the suit stemmed from his response to a
 
question on what he felt when, at primary school, he had to take an oath
 
with which elementary school days begin in Turkey. The patriotic verse
 
which all students in Turkey have to memorize and recite begins with the
 
lines: "I am a Turk, I am honest, I am hardworking".
 
 
 
"I said that I was a Turkish citizen but an Armenian and that even
 
though I was honest and hardworking, I was not a Turk, I was an
 
Armenian," Dink explained. He said he also criticized a line in the
 
Turkish national anthem that speaks of "my heroic race".
 
 
 
"I said I did not feel like singing that line because I was against the
 
use of the word 'race', which leads to discrimination," Dink said.
 
 
 
...
 
 
 
Expanding minority rights is one of the issues Turkey must address
 
before it can join the European Union, with which it is scheduled to
 
start membership talks on October 3. Under the 1923 Lausanne Treaty, the
 
founding accord of modern-day Turkey, Turkey recognizes Greeks, Jews and
 
Armenians as religious minorities, but any attempt to put ethnic
 
identity forward is still largely untolerated.
 
 
 
{{copy}}
 
 
 
----
 
Turkish Daily News<br>
 
Oct 8 2005
 
 
 
Dink convicted of insulting Turkish identity<br>
 
Saturday, October 8, 2005<br>
 
ANKARA - TDN with wire services
 
 
 
 
 
An Istanbul court on Friday convicted Armenian Turkish journalist
 
Hrant Dink of insulting Turkey's national identity, charges that Dink
 
said he would fight, adding that he would leave the country if they
 
were not overturned.
 
 
 
Earlier this week the European Union launched membership talks with
 
Turkey -- talks that will include European demands that Turkey repeal
 
laws such as the statute under which Dink, renowned novelist Orhan
 
Pamuk and others have been charged.
 
 
 
Dink, a Turkish citizen and editor of the bilingual Armenian
 
Turkish newspaper Agos, was convicted and given a six-month suspended
 
sentence, which means he will not be forced to serve prison time
 
unless he repeats the offense.
 
 
 
Dink has lived in Turkey all his life and was shown on television
 
in tears as he denied the charges and vowed to fight them.
 
 
 
"I'm living together with Turks in this country," Dink told The
 
Associated Press. "And I'm in complete solidarity with them. I don't
 
think I could live with an identity of having insulted them in this
 
country."
 
 
 
Dink was convicted for writing a series of articles in which he
 
called on diaspora Armenians to stop focusing on the Turks and focus
 
instead on the welfare of Armenia, said Karin Karakaþlý, an editor at
 
Agos newspaper. Karakaþlý said Dink told Armenians their enmity
 
toward the Turks "has a poisoning effect in your blood." She said the
 
court took the article out of context, wrongly assuming it meant that
 
Turkish blood is poison.
 
 
 
The court said Dink's article "was not an expression of opinion
 
with the aim of criticizing but was intended to be insulting and
 
offensive," the Anatolia news agency said.
 
 
 
Armenians have long demanded that Turkey and other nations
 
recognize the deaths of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire at the
 
beginning of the 20th century as genocide. In the past, Turks could
 
be prosecuted for agreeing with genocide claims, and a clause in the
 
new penal code allows prosecutors to interpret statements harmful to
 
Turkish identity as a crime.
 
 
 
The EU has asked Turkey to amend the clause or risk endangering its
 
EU bid.
 
 
 
Turkey officially opened EU membership negotiations early Tuesday,
 
but its bid is opposed by a majority of Europeans.
 
 
 
Dink, speaking in Turkish, said the sentence was an attempt to
 
silence him.
 
 
 
"But I will not be silent," he said. "As long as I live here, I
 
will go on telling the truth, just as I always have." Dink said he
 
would appeal to Turkey's supreme court and to the European Court of
 
Human Rights if necessary.
 
 
 
"If it is a day or six months or six years, it is all unacceptable
 
to me," he said. "If I am unable to come up with a positive result,
 
it will be honorable for me to leave this country."
 
 
 
Dink is also facing charges for remarks he made at a human rights
 
conference in 2002, criticizing Turkey's national anthem and an oath
 
taken by Turkish schoolchildren each day in which they say, "Happy is
 
one who calls himself/herself a Turk.'
 
 
 
Dink said then that he did not feel like a Turk but like an
 
Armenian who happens to be a citizen of Turkey. He also objected at
 
the time to a line in the national anthem that says "smile upon my
 
heroic race," saying the emphasis on race was a form of
 
discrimination.
 
 
 
Dink will go to trial for those comments in February, Karakaþlý
 
said.
 
 
 
Novelist Orhan Pamuk, perhaps Turkey's most acclaimed writer, has
 
been charged under the same clause and will go on trial Dec. 16.
 
Pamuk, whose offense was to say in an interview that "30,000 Kurds
 
and a million Armenians were killed in these lands and nobody but me
 
dares to talk about it," has also vowed to fight his charges.
 
 
 
The cases highlight the challenges still facing Turkey as it tries
 
to enact reforms to harmonize with EU norms. The government has
 
promised to lift restrictions on freedom of expression and has also
 
committed to improving its treatment of minorities under its
 
agreement with the EU.
 
 
 
Karakaþlý also faced similar charges but was found not guilty.
 
 
 
{{copy}}
 
 
 
----
 
TURKEY BRINGS ANOTHER CASE AGAINST AN ETHNIC ARMENIAN <br>
 
By Reuters
 
 
 
New York Times<br>
 
Dec 26 2005
 
 
 
ISTANBUL, Dec. 25 (Reuters) - A Turkish court has opened a case against
 
an Armenian-Turkish journalist for his comments on a six-month sentence
 
it gave him earlier for denigrating Turkish identity, lawyers involved
 
in bringing the case said Sunday.
 
 
 
The Istanbul court was acting after a group of nationalist lawyers
 
asked the court to file a case against Hrant Dink, editor in chief
 
of the bilingual Turkish and Armenian weekly Agos, and three Agos
 
journalists, saying that the journalists "tried to influence the
 
judiciary" through their editorials.
 
 
 
Mr. Dink, an Armenian who was born in Turkey, was sentenced to six
 
months in jail by an Istanbul court in October for comments in an
 
article he wrote against Article 301 of a revised penal code, which
 
allows prosecutors to pursue cases against writers and scholars for
 
"insulting Turkish identity."
 
 
 
The case is now before the Court of Appeals, one of several such
 
freedom of speech cases that have highlighted European Union concerns
 
about Turkey's efforts to become a member.
 
 
 
European officials say that such court cases are likely to hinder
 
Turkey's progress toward full membership.
 
 
 
About 1.5 million Armenians were killed by Ottoman Turks in 1915
 
during World War I. While historians are widely agreed that the 1915
 
massacres constituted genocide, the subject remains taboo in Turkey,
 
which says the killings were related to World War I clashes after
 
Armenian militants joined forces with Russia.
 
 
 
The nationalist Lawyers Unity Association asked the court to bring
 
the case against the four journalists, who face jail terms of nine
 
months to 4½ years, if convicted.
 
 
 
"The case has been opened because Dink and the other writers of the
 
Armenian Agos publication have criticized a former sentence of the
 
court in an effort to prevent a just lawsuit, which is against Article
 
288 of the code," said the leader of the association, Kemal Kerincsiz.
 
 
 
Mr. Dink told the Anka news agency that it was his right to criticize
 
the earlier verdict, adding he would take the case to the European
 
Court of Human Rights if the Court of Appeals upholds the court ruling.
 
 
 
Orhan Pamuk, a best-selling Turkish novelist, is also facing a jail
 
term of six months to three years from the same court for violating
 
Article 301 for his comments in February to a Swiss magazine on
 
the 1915 killings and on the deaths of Kurds in last two decades in
 
Turkey. The case against Mr. Pamuk was filed at the request of the
 
same lawyers group.
 
 
 
Last Thursday, the Istanbul court fined a writer for breaching
 
Article 301 in a book on the evacuation of Kurdish, Armenian and
 
Syriac Christian villages in the past 100 years, and a publisher for
 
an article on Turkey's Iraq policy.
 
 
 
{{copy}}
 
 
 
----
 
The water finds its crack: an Armenian view of Turkey<br>
 
Hrant Dink<br>
 
13 - 12 - 2005
 
 
 
Europe and Turkey are locked in a relationship of mutual fear and suppressed
 
desire. It will be opened when Turkey can face its greatest taboo, says the
 
editor of the Armenian newspaper `Agos' in Istanbul, Hrant Dink.
 
 
 
The interest of foreign journalists, politicians and intellectuals in Turkey
 
is more intense than ever. Their opening inquiries are clear and strong:
 
`Where is Turkey going? Will nationalism increase? If it does, to what kind
 
of a regime can Turkey slide?'
 
 
 
Then comes a special question, the one that people like me - a Turkish
 
citizen and an Armenian - can always expect: `Are you minorities afraid of
 
the way things are going?'
 
 
 
It is striking that those looking at Turkey from the outside are much more
 
impatient, eager for quick answers and solutions, than those on the inside.
 
To what degree is this impatience realistic? After all, throughout the
 
period of the modern republic since 1923, Turkey is a country where changes
 
have been dictated from top to bottom and thus one where inner dynamics from
 
bottom to top are not easily activated. Turkish society is far more used to
 
accepting change, allowing it to happen, than to initiating it.
 
 
 
This consistent structural character has allowed the `deep state' - the
 
network of military and security forces that exercises real political
 
control in Turkey - to survive the three major international developments
 
influencing the country in recent decades.
 
 
 
First, the cold-war years of conflict (1940s-1980s) between the United
 
States-led capitalist world and the Soviet Union-led socialist world. This
 
external dynamic favoured the emergence of a radical, social left in Turkey,
 
but the state's preference for western capitalism - aided by successive
 
military coups d'état - crushed the left's challenge before it could become
 
too powerful.
 
 
 
Second, the mullahs' revolution in Iran (1979). This external dynamic too
 
had a harsh effect on Turkey; those in power instinctively saw its influence
 
among religious Muslims in Turkey as equivalent to the demand for a change
 
of regime, and thus something to be opposed by all means.
 
 
 
Third, the European Union (1960s-2000s). This outer dynamic is very
 
different in its impact on Turkey than the first two. The main reason is
 
that the EU finds nearly all elements of Turkish society and its
 
institutions divided against itself on the issue. Political left and right,
 
secular and religious, nationalist and liberal, state bureaucracy and
 
military - the situation is the same in that everywhere there are internal
 
conflicts over Europe at least as much as conflicts between the camps.
 
 
 
Since no part of Turkish society is homogeneously `for' or `against' the
 
European Union, the EU process has had a singular effect: dissolving
 
Turkey's existing polarisations and becoming itself the main inner dynamic
 
of Turkish development. As the negotiations for Turkey's accession to the EU
 
continue over the next decade, this dilemma will increasingly constitute the
 
basis of Turkish politics. Every change experienced in the near future will
 
`touch the skin' of nearly every section of society, creating widespread
 
friction and probably a lot of annoyance.
 
 
 
From the inside, therefore, the questions facing Turkey are different from
 
those posed by outsiders: `How can the oligarchic state, so accustomed to
 
holding power, consent to share its sovereignty as a member of the European
 
Union? Why is it so desperate to abandon the world it knows for an unknown
 
future in Europe - is it the desire to be western, or the fear of remaining
 
eastern?'
 
 
 
The great taboo
 
 
 
But the questions are not all one way. When the European Union is asked why
 
it wishes to include Turkey, with its lower economic and democratic
 
standards, the answer suggests an uncomfortable truth - that the
 
relationship between Turkey and the EU is governed less by reciprocal desire
 
than by fear. The military elite of the Turkish republic probably calculates
 
that a Turkey unable to enter the European Union is in danger of becoming a
 
strategical irrelevance, while the European Union's power-brokers must
 
consider that a Turkey remaining outside of Europe might become a combatant
 
on the other side of a `clash of civilisations'.
 
 
 
As long as the engine of fear pushing from the back is stronger than the
 
engine of desire pulling from the front, the dynamics of Turkish-European
 
Union relations will be uneasy and contested on all sides - not just in
 
Turkey.
 
 
 
Where fear is dominant, it produces symptoms of resistance to change at all
 
levels of society. The more some people yearn and work for openness and
 
enlightenment, the more others who are afraid of such changes struggle to
 
keep society closed. In Turkey, the legal cases against Hrant Dink, Orhan
 
Pamuk, Ragýp Zarakolu or Murat Belge are examples of how the breaking of
 
every taboo causes panic in the end. This is especially true of the Armenian
 
issue: the greatest of all taboos in Turkey, one that was present at the
 
creation of the state and which represents the principal `other' of Turkish
 
national identity.
 
 
 
In this atmosphere, a guiding watchword can be found in the first words of
 
our national anthem. Indeed, I concluded my presentation to the conference
 
at Bilgi University, Istanbul on `Ottoman Armenians During the Decline of
 
the Empire: Issues of Scientific Responsibility and Democracy " on 24-25
 
September 2005 with these very words: `Do not fear'.
 
 
 
The real desire
 
 
 
The best contribution to the understanding of modern Turkey I can make at
 
this stage is through a theme I developed at that Istanbul conference.
 
 
 
The relation between every living being and its area of existence is
 
contained within it and (in the case of human beings) embodied in its very
 
name. The animate is present, together with its area of living existence,
 
inside and not outside this being. If you take this animate away from its
 
area, even on a golden plate, it means that it is being cut at its very
 
root. Deportation is something like that. People who lived on this territory
 
for 3,000 years, people who produced culture and civilisation on this
 
territory, were torn from the land they had lived on and those who survived
 
were dispersed all over the world.
 
 
 
If this axe to the root dominates the psychological condition of generations
 
of this people, you cannot simply act as if the rupture does not exist. The
 
experience is already internalised, recorded on its people's memory, its
 
genetic code. What is its name? The discipline of law can be preoccupied
 
with this question, but whatever it decides we know exactly what we have
 
lived through. It can be understood, even if I should not use the word
 
genocide, as being a tearing up of the roots. There is nothing to do at this
 
point, but this should be understood very well.
 
 
 
I would like to illustrate this internalising of experience with a personal
 
anecdote from several years ago. An old Turkish man called me from a village
 
in the region of Sivas and said: `Son, we searched everywhere until we found
 
you. There is an old woman here. I guess she is from your people. She has
 
passed away. Can you find any relative of her, or we will bury her with a
 
Muslim service'.
 
He gave me her name; she was a 70-year-old woman called Beatrice who had
 
been visiting on holiday from France. `Okay, uncle, I will search', I said.
 
 
 
I looked around and within ten minutes I had found a close relative; we knew
 
each other because we are so few. I went to the family's store and asked:
 
`Do you know this person?' The middle-aged woman there turned to me and said
 
`She is my mother'. Her mother, she told me, lives in France and comes to
 
Turkey three or four times a year, but after a very short time in Istanbul
 
prefers to go directly to the village she left many years earlier.
 
 
 
I told her daughter the sad news and she immediately travelled to the
 
village. The next day she phoned me from there. She had found her mother but
 
she suddenly began to cry. I begged her not to cry and asked her whether or
 
not she will bring her body back for burial. `Brother', she said, `I want to
 
bring her but there is an uncle here saying something', and gave the phone
 
to him while crying.
 
 
 
I got angry with the man. `Why are you making her cry?', I said. `Son', he
 
said, `I didn't say anything... I only said: `Daughter, it is your mother,
 
your blood; but if you ask me, let her stay here. Let her be buried
 
here...the water has found its crack'.'
 
 
 
I became thrown away at that moment. I lost and found myself in this saying
 
produced by Anatolian people. Indeed, the water had found its crack.
 
 
 
A lady at the Istanbul conference implied that remembering the dead meant
 
coveting territory. Yes, it is true that Armenians long for this soil. But
 
let me repeat what I wrote soon after this experience. At the time the then
 
president of Turkey, Suleyman Demirel, used to say: `We will not give even
 
three pebblestones to Armenians.' I told the story of this woman and said:
 
`We Armenians do desire this territory because our root is here. But don't
 
worry. We desire not to take this territory away, but to come and be buried
 
under it.'
 
 
 
http://www.opendemocracy.net/home/index.jsp
 
 
 
{{copy}}
 
 
 
==See also==
 
*[[Article 301]]
 
 
 
[[Category:Armenian Individuals|Dink, Hrant]]
 

Revision as of 09:38, 15 January 2007

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